The Houthi group is not a product of the last two decades of Yemen's history, as some believe. It is not so much a political movement that emerged as a result of the circumstances that arose after unity between the two parts of South and North Yemen was achieved in 1990, as a result of democratic margins, as much as it is an extension of an Imami project that created the Saada Governorate. and laid its seeds in the regions of the North, which came to be known as the Imam, the Guide to Truth, Yahya bin al-Husayn al-Rasi in the year 893 AD, and later became known as the Hadavian doctrine.
Thus it is the offspring of this doctrine and system that extended for over 1,100 years, based on the idea of two clans based on divine selection and restricting the Imamate and leadership of the nation to the descendants of two grandsons. : Al-Hassan and Al-Hussein till the Day of Judgment.
Although this idea agreed with and identified with Zaidi ideology, it differed from it in many aspects and, for example, did not follow the 14 conditions required for assuming the Imamate in many historical stages of Zaidi ideology, as Qasimi states. He ruled over most of Yemen, and the regime changed during his reign. To a royal hereditary one, as was the case in the last Imami regime in Yemen before the outbreak of the September 26 Revolution, which was supported and endorsed by the late Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser in the 1960s.
The Houthis reaped the fruits of this idea and its symbols' efforts, strategically engaging the Republican regime following the aforementioned September Revolution, and the ensuing civil war that ended in national reconciliation, and working to strengthen the presence of its members. Did. State institutions and sensitive facilities. If we can describe it that way, it is Yemen's deep state, and it worked diligently to create the environment and conditions for a return to ruling Yemen.
After Yemeni unity, the first youth unit emerged with the name: “The Believer Youth.” Taking advantage of late President Ali Abdullah Saleh's fears about the growing power of the Islah Party, or the Yemeni Brotherhood as some prefer to call them, the dispute between the two unity partners began to expand: General Ali the People's Congress Party, led by Saleh, and the Yemeni Socialist Party, led by Ali al-Baidh, and this nascent entity enjoyed Saleh's implicit support in his attempt to play on contradictions, as he chanted, 'On the heads of snakes.' danced.
At the beginning of the present century, Hussein Badr al-Din al-Houthi, according to the story of its most prominent founders, turned against his founding colleagues of the “Faith Youth” movement, and took control of the movement. It then became known, since its armed presence, as the “Houthi group”, later calling itself the “Ansar Allah group”.
The founders of the “Houthi group” – who were members of the first parliament after Yemeni unity was achieved from President Saleh's party – fought their first war against government authorities in 2004, following previous tensions, during which their supporters seized financial revenues. Took and controlled some. The areas that came under their influence in their main stronghold. He was killed in the first round of the war that same year, on ideological grounds, in the Saada Governorate of northern Yemen.
His younger brother, Abdul-Malik al-Houthi, took over leadership of the group after him, and fought in five subsequent wars that lasted until 2010. In each of its rounds, his group achieved expansionist territorial gains and political gains, taking advantage of the declared and undeclared differences between Ali Abdullah Saleh and his military, tribal and political allies in power and their weapons skills. The politician who played a brilliant role in dismantling the ruling system.
The events of the Arab Spring and the protests of Yemeni youth against the regime of Ali Abdullah Saleh provided a valuable opportunity for the Houthis, so they manipulated the contradictions of allied and conflicting Yemeni forces alike.
He expressed his sympathy for the southern movement and pitched his tents in the squares of change with the youth of the revolution, and at the same time his communication with the President in crisis was not interrupted as a result of the growing opposition against him. These protests – and the agreements made on weak figures to manage the transitional phase – enabled them to reverse political course and take armed control. On Sanaa, their forces have been knocking on its doors since 2009.
The accumulated experience of the project they represent and the experience and astuteness of its seasoned politicians enabled them to understand the sensitivities of neighbors and external powers and their fear of the parties and groups arising from the Arab Spring revolutions, especially Islamist revolutions . Play on their strings.
Just as the war in Yemen has strengthened the power of the Houthis internally, the American-British bombardment today has legitimized their popular presence at the Arab and Islamic levels, given them much-needed external sympathy, and their local The opponents have been put into confusion. The situation, especially since there is consensus among all on the Palestinian issue. Categories of the Yemeni people and their components.
Hardly anyone would disagree that Houthi solidarity with Gaza and the targeting of commercial ships connected to Israel or headed to its ports – which evolved into targeting American and British ships in the Gulf of Aden and the Red Sea – A bold and important act However, the Houthis benefited greatly from the events in Gaza, and through their unprecedented solidarity, were able to present themselves to the world as an important player in the region.
In fact, we are not exaggerating if we say that, as a result of these events, the al-Houthis discovered themselves and the limits of their ability to shuffle the cards with respect to international trade and its sea routes.
At the same time, he ran afoul of local authority, which almost pushed him into a tight corner in the face of growing popular anger. Due to the deterioration of living conditions and the interruption of staff salaries since the beginning of the war, especially with signs of peace appearing before the end of last year.
The events in Gaza provided the Houthis with a valuable opportunity to prove the sincerity of their slogans raised since their armed presence at the beginning of the current century, and what the “lieutenants” of the group's founder, Hussein Badr al-Din, included. Was. Al-Houthi, which he describes as a speaking Quran. It is considered the intellectual reference of the group, as well as the intellectual and cultural document that the group's leader has signed with several Zaidi scholars in recent years, emphasizing a number of issues. Doctrine, which includes the above idea of selection, and hostility to the US and Israel.
Here we can say: the Houthi group, although it appears to be part of the Zaidi doctrine, differs from it on many issues, and has its own authority, and there are also those who say: it goes against the legacy of the Zaidi sect in Yemen. Represents a coup.
As far as its relationship with the Islamic Revolution in Iran is concerned, it does not deny that relationship, but rather boasts about it. It raises its symbols and images of its leadership on occasion, in harmony with their ideas, and has benefited greatly from Iranian support for it. However, its roots stretch back to before the Khomeini Revolution in Iran, as we mentioned earlier. Therefore, it is unlikely that it will have a particular vision, especially after the regional and global presence it has recently achieved.